Raoul Prebisch, an Argentinian economist, was one of the first critics of this theory. Papua had a system of multiple chiefs in the same tribe, who governed in a collaborative fashion. This shortage continues to be overcome by recruiting more expatriates from a number of countries, particularly Australia. But this training assumed that the colonial administrative structures would not change in any significant way after independence (Schaffer, 1978). For many people in PNG, the organisational structure of the tribe is often more significant than that of the national or provincial government. Secondly, it is suggested that the colonial construction of PNG was accomplished through the creation of a powerful centralised bureaucracy. Walt Rostow (1960), an economic historian and adviser to the American government, assumes that in order for the "backward nations" to be modernised they have to go through these "stages of development". So while some generalisations are possible, the nature about colonisation should be treated with caution. When Nandy speaks of the colonisation of the mind, he suggests an ideological framework in which the colonised accepts and assumes as natural the values of the coloniser. However, while this arrangement might have worked in Fiji, it did not in Papua, because chieftainship, in so far as it existed, worked very differently in Papua. PNG is no exception. According to 2012 statistics, an estimated two million youths and adults, which accounts for about one-third of the population were out of school and unemployed. There is a dual salary scale for expatriates and indigenous public servants, and the expatriates are also given other privileges such as free education for their children, return airfares every two years, free rent or subsidised accommodation, and gratuities after the completion of their contracts. In delivering the PNG Government's Policy Statement to the fifth national parliament, the then Prime Minister, Pais Wingti, suggested that: The scandalous exploitation of this country's natural resources, such as our forests and fisheries, has become a matter of National concern. The economic circumstances of most newly independent states are thus defined by a relationship of dependency (Larrain, 1989). As for the territory of Papua, Britain had claimed it as its Protectorate in November 1884 (see Map 5). The census shows that 85 percent of the population lives in the rural area (World Bank Report 1988:xi). After independence, there were moves to create a synthesis between traditional and western modes of education. Papua New Guinea - Papua New Guinea - The colonial period: Malay and possibly Chinese traders took spoils and some slaves from western New Guinea for hundreds of years. A part of the problem is, as Brookfield (1972:1) suggests, that "the term colonialism means many things to many people". Apart from the purpose of traditional education, PNG's colonial rulers also rejected the manner in which it was traditionally organised and delivered. In the operations of local schools, those residing in the traditional communities were given little opportunity to participate either in decision-making or in teaching activities. The availability of land is particularly important for major economic sectors (agriculture, forestry, mining). While accepting that colonialism is associated with political power and economic gains, Nandy adds that "colonialism is a state of mind" or a "psychological state rooted in earlier forms of social consciousness in both the colonisers and the colonised. Customary practices have never been certain, immutable, or unchanging. Simultaneously, however, the traditional life-styles have not been abandoned. Considerable scope therefore exists for expanding national output by bringing additional land into productive use. However, while expressions of colonialism are complex and historically specific, it is nevertheless possible to identify some of the ways in which contemporary forms of colonialism differ from its earlier forms. What this implies is that colonialism is often a much more persistent phenomenon, since, in addition to its political form, it is also characterised by its economic and ideological dimensions. It requires the formation of a particular power relationship between the coloniser and the colonised. Through the existing education system, India has pro­duced in the last five decades number of scientists, professionals and technocrats who have excelled in their fields and made a mark at the na­tional and international levels. Parliamentarians in PNG regard themselves more as leaders of their people than as their representatives. The North Solomon, a province of PNG, shares the boundary with the Solomon Islands. In line with the Report's recommendations, it established Papua New Guinea's first House of Assembly in 1964. Unfortunately, in most instances this agenda turns out to be devastatingly harmful to people and environment. ANGAU was a creation of an Australian Labor Party (ALP) Government, whose Minister for External Affairs, Mr Ward, sought to re-orient Australian policies in Papua and New Guinea away from economic exploitation to a focus on the welfare of the indigenous people. As O'Faircheallaigh (1992:272) suggests: Damage to land, often associated with resource exploitation, has profound social cultural and spiritual ramifications. To the South of PNG lie the Torres Strait Islands, arguably part of Australia. There were also changes to the administration with Canberra assuming direct control of the Territory. The cash economy capacity of the country is very limited. This supposedly illegal movement of people and the exploration of oil and gas in the region, as well as increased drug smuggling, are causing considerable friction between the Australian and PNG governments. In many Third World countries, there is an emerging view that it is the Western financial institutions and their agencies which now dictate the terms in which the notion of development should be understood (Hettne, 1990). Although historians may not share the same views about the motives for this rapid colonial expansion in the ninetieth century, there is a general agreement that the colonial powers were in search of the three "Gs": namely, Gold, God and Glory. The German Government had already begun to construct a system of administration in New Guinea which involved the appointment of village officials who were accountable to regional officials and through them to the central authority (Firth 1986:73-74). Upon independence in 1975 the new Somare Government recognised the enormous challenges it faced in constructing an indigenous system of public administration. The difficulty members have rationalising their own expectations with those of their electors is evident in one debate after another ... A parliamentarian expresses this concern in the following terms: When the people elect me to parliament, they think I own the Bank of PNG. For them, education was no longer a collective responsibility of the members of the community but the responsibility of a few, who were believed to possess special expertise. People demand you to buy them motor vehicles or give them money because they have been your campaign managers or cast their votes in your favour. They are not traditional, and should not be described and analyzed without close attention to the impact of colonization; and they are not capitalist, so they should not be described and analyzed solely in terms of capitalist forms and social relations. Also, the traditional methods of exchange, such as the barter system, were gradually replaced by money, and the indigenous people began to use the concept of "exchange of money" amongst themselves. It is interesting to note that in 1952 there were only 334 local officers in the public service (Downs, 1980), most of them occupying junior clerical key positions and thus unable to make a contribution to the major decisions which affected the development of Papua and New Guinea (Parker, 1966b). Firstly, it is argued that Papua and New Guinea is an historical artefact constructed through the processes of colonialism. More than forty years ago, Balandier (1951:75) described this feature of colonial situations as the. In more recent years, these functionalist assumptions and the notion of development as applied to nation-states has been subjected to a great deal of critical analysis (Hettne, 1990). Individuals have struggled to have their identities recognised as competent citizens by the state and at the same time the independent state of PNG is struggling to have its identity and authority recognised and accepted by its own citizens. New modes of production were created, altering the nature of power arrangements both within Europe and in the colonies. A dependency relationship had been created: the villagers had felt that the central administration would provide the goods and services they needed. 1 Religious education has a statutory position in Scottish education, relating to schools but not to pre-school centres. The ideological language by which colonialism is now justified has also changed. The Linear model suggests that development is "a never-ending progressive movement based on a faith in mankind and the conviction that societies evolve through similar stages" (Fagerlind and Saha, 1989:28). As already noted, dependency theory constitutes an antithesis to modernisation theory. As an academic at the University of Papua New Guinea suggests: ... the Papua New Guineans do not have this spirit of Nationalism. This web site has some of the most comprehensive information on the non-governmental-organisations (NGOs) working in Papua New Guineaa (PNG) and also provides a hosting service for NGOs presently unable to design and host their own sites. The 1990 National Census showed that Papua New Guinea has a population of 3.5 million. The push for self-government for the indigenous people came about as a result of a range of other factors (Downs, 1980:459-484). The conditions under which change will occur, and the social and economic impacts of change should be carefully researched, whether in mining, forests, fisheries or any other areas before work proceeds. This system was implemented in 1888, and represented Australia's initial involvement in Papua. West Papuans constantly launch guerilla warfare against Indonesia from the PNG soil (Osbourne, 1986). Foreign debts to the international financial institutions continue to increase which makes the debted countries' economies even more dependent on them. Local societies have undergone--and continue to experience--quite profound internal changes as a result of socio-economic developments, including processes of class formation. According to Marxist thinking, capitalism provides an adequate explanation of colonialism. The ownership of the land is a major political and economic issue in PNG (Barnett, 1992). We want investors with reputations as good neighbours, fair employers and development benefactors. Most Papua New Guineans are thus faced by a conflicting set of obligations: to their tribe, to the provincial authorities and to the national government. Initially, most of the companies investing in PNG were either European or American, but more recently the PNG government has encouraged massive investments from Asian countries such as Japan, Malaysia and Singapore (Deklin 1992). promoted through colonial education must be rejected. They depend on the analysts' broader ideological and political views, as well as on their disciplinary perspective. It was a hierarchical relationship which did not give any formal recognition to traditional leadership. There was thus a dialectical relationship between the political, economic or social conditions in Europe and the conditions created in the colonies by colonialism. Contrary to a common misconception, the indigenous people did not readily accept this adventurism. The establishment of these stations enabled the missionaries to teach indigenous people how to read and write so that they could be converted to Christianity. In effect, they became important cogs in the political and administrative machinery of the colonial state. The PNG Government has insisted that the nation's economy should be basically self-reliant (Economic Policies and Strategies, 1991:2). And yet, many of the laws that affect people are enacted not by the tribes but introduced and enacted by a new political institution called the Parliament. We haven't found any reviews in … In each District the work of the Kiaps was co-ordinated by Commissioners who were in turn accountable to the colonial Administrator in Port Moresby. In 1962, a United Nations Visiting Team toured PNG and made an assessment on the status of the political, economic and educational development of the Territory. Their role, however, was largely advisory--on questions of how to improve the quality of life in the villages. The government also believes that this capital is necessary for the nation's social and economic development, and that it needs foreign expertise to achieve its objectives of development. The extent to which PNG is in a position to construct its own definition of development is an open question, and dictates the parameters of PNG politics. Educational planners and administrators have found it difficult to implement a hybrid system. Between 1973 and 1975, the progress towards full political independence for Papua and New Guinea was rapid. That is, it maintained a system that involved the appointment in every village of a luluai and a tultul, ensuring the maintenance of colonial control over the villagers. Contact:  John Evans, by However, one of the conditions governing this mandate was that Australia was to give self-determination to the New Guineans over a period of time which was unspecified. Such a background is necessary for a discussion of the issues concerning the policy of devolution in PNG educational administration. To understand the origins of colonialism in PNG, it is necessary to examine historically the rapid expansion of colonial activity in the late nineteenth century. Further, it would seek to pacify and bring peace amongst the warring factions in the territory. His historicist world-view led him to believe that capitalism was a necessary stage in the eventual enlightenment of people everywhere. The divisional administration and the village constable system recommended by Griffith was maintained, though it was felt that administrative work should be supported by a local council in each village. The Territory of New Guinea was divided into administrative units called Districts. The fast-flowing meandering rivers such as the Sepik and Fly, are another characteristic of this land. (Cited in Larrain, 1989:176). For the colonisers it can mean arrogance, vainglory, and narcissism. It can come in the form of capital or in the form of services, for instance, consultancy provisions, economic advice or technology and human resources. These traditional attitudes towards land are coming increasingly into conflict with the monetised society which regards land as an input into production. The colonial relationship cannot be obtained without the active involvement and the complicity of the colonised. It argued that indigenous people should be given greater opportunities to be able to make decisions that affected them, even if this meant learning from their mistakes on how to govern their own country. The Papua New Guinea government’s equity in Bougainville Copper Ltd, the Porgera Joint Venture, and Ok Tedi Mining Ltd created a striking conflict of interest in regard to the environmental impacts of those mines. The word "New Guinea" suggested the discovery of a new territory which the colonial adventurers thought was geographically similar to Guinea on the coast of Africa (Ryan, 1982:2). This fact serves to highlight the recency of the concept of the nation of PNG. These were centres where the colonial administration established its offices, the purpose of which was to provide "conducive working environments" and facilitate the various objectives of the agents of "development": missionaries, traders, settlers, planters and so on (Reed, 1983). Land is our social life; it is marriage; it is our only world. However, the western educational system has not been without its social costs. Papua New Guinea lies between 1 and 12 degrees South latitude and between 141 and 169 degrees East longitude (Hastings, 1973:1) (see [PNG] Map 1). The indigenous people provided labour, often paid for in terms of exchange of goods such as tobacco and clothes. Axline (1988: 72) argues: These systems were highly centralised, with most of the power located either in Port Moresby or in the Australian Department of External Territories in Canberra (Ballard, 1981). Thus, PNG continues to place considerable emphasis on the need for foreign investment, permitting the exploitation of its land and sea resources. The colonisers had, on the other hand, regarded this traditional mode of socialisation of the young insufficient for the social, political and economic needs of a new nation-state. Not surprisingly, therefore, the new Prime Minister, Robert Menzies, discouraged any talk of self-government for the indigenous people. In 1616, Maire and Schouten sailed the northern coast and then across the Bismark Sea to New Ireland. Ideas and concepts do not occur in a vacuum, but are the products of the social, cultural and historical events surrounding them (Fagerlind and Saha, 1989:5). However, in 1901, Britain sought to transfer the responsibility of governing Papua to Australia. The expatriates who work in PNG are of two kinds: those Europeans who stayed on after political independence, and those who may be referred to as "the new entrepreneurs". civilization, including education (Whitehead, 2005). This was considered an interim measure before the final preparation for political independence in 1975. The assimilation of many western ideas is evident in the changing lifestyles of the people, many of whom now build and live in permanent buildings, in well-furnished western houses, and now also watch television beamed into their homes from Cairns in Northern Queensland. The PNG Public Service recruits officers not only on the basis of bureaucratic performance and qualifications but also on a commitment to tribal values. As expatriates, they keep open the option of returning to Australia in case their economic and political fortunes deteriorate in PNG. In the Sepik, Western, and Gulf Provinces, human habitation is widely regarded as very unattractive. For the colonised, on the one hand, it often meant the loss of self-identity and self-respect, replaced by feelings of inferiority and fear. This Agreement had stipulated that Australia was to ensure that the indigenous customs were protected; that their rights and possessions were not taken away from them; that Australia was to educate the indigenous people; and that it was to ensure that the locals participated in running the affairs of the Territory. The colonised come to accept as their own the values and practices of the colonisers, either completely, or by modifying the local practices to blend into the structure of the foreign traditions. It can also be defined as an ideological phenomenon (Fanon, 1966). In PNG, the concept of development forms the basis of most social and economic policies. While outlining PNG foreign investment needs to the Australian-PNG Friendship Association in NSW Parliament House, the then Deputy Prime Minister and National Minister for Finance and Planning, Chan (1993:10) suggested that: We have taken care to make it clearly known the type of investment we seek--this has never been a secret. Second, many colonisers felt that their presence contributed to the economic development of the colonies. In order to understand the changing forms of colonialism in PNG, it is useful to provide a brief historical overview of the European presence there. Based on Parson's underlying assumption that there is only "one system", modernisation theory suggests people in the "traditional" societies or "backward nations" should adopt the characteristics of modern societies in order to modernise their social and economic institutions (Larrain, 1991). Hoogvelt (1978:65) argues that the facts of history seem to contradict what the modernisation model expects to happen. However, this account of political independence is highly problematic, for, as it has been argued, the shift in power relationship is never as dramatic as suggested by this account. That is, a society develops from a stage at which most of its people utilise "primitive" technology to a stage at which they are resourceful, industrialised and possess advanced technology. Theirs was a world-view that was not only ethnocentric but which also demanded complete assimilation. Nandy's account thus challenges the traditional view that only the coloniser is responsible for the act of colonisation and the colonised has nothing to do with this power relationship. The emphasis was on instituting a form of indirect rule, through the representatives of the colonial authority, the "kiaps", and their indigenous agents, "mausmen". In the colonies, capital accumulation was possible in a context of extremely favourable labour conditions. Throughout PNG, the climate consists of two seasons only: wet and dry, mostly influenced by strong monsoon winds. Some authors (for example, Larrain, 1989; Hettne, 1990 and Spybey, 1992) have gone as far as to call it "a new expression of colonialism". Griffin (1978:xi) refers to these motives as: Concern, Careerism, Cupidity, or Didacticism, Dominion, Dividends ... Concern and Didactism allow that not all purveyors of Light were evangelists and that there were irreligious humanitarians who wanted to disperse darkness. The PNG bureaucracy thus has the potential both to promote as well as to constrain democratic reforms. In this way, colonialism and capitalism articulated with each other, so that neither can be said to be so analytically or historically prior to the other. Since land is the major collateral used by farmers, the inability to obtain secure title results in reduced access to credit. The European planters, traders and other expatriates in the unified colony accused the Government of "selling out" to sectional interests within Australia which had no understanding of the Territory and its problems. Although it is tempting to applaud the many well-intentioned proposals for the reforms of these institutions, these will not change the basic fact that trying to advance people-oriented development with large loans of foreign currency is inherent contradiction. So, while most Third World countries welcome aid, there is now an emerging concern that the relationship that defines the provision of aid is constituted by the exercise of a new form of power over the Third World countries. Despite their efforts to understand the cultural needs of Papua and New Guinea, their concept of progress remained highly ethnocentric, framed by cultural values which viewed development in European terms. There was considerable debate within Australia about how it might define the scope of its relationship with the Territory of Papua and New Guinea, for Australia clearly faced a number of political dilemmas between its economic interests on the one hand, and its humanitarian commitments to the UN on the other. Australian companies like BHP have been exploiting mineral resources in Bougainville and in Ok Tedi (Jackson 1983). It is suggested that these satellites are subsidiary parts of the Western capitalist system since the spread of European colonialism. Modernization theory proposes that societal development can take place in the Third World through the application of the capitalist economic mechanism, whilst according to the dependency theory the very structure of the capitalist world-economy prevents more equitable development. Recent post-Marxist analyses of colonialism, for example, the work of Hommi Bhabba (1994), are instructive. These traditions are often referred to as "the PNG ways" (Narokobi, 1983), perhaps overlooking the cultural diversity that exists in the country. Careerism and Dominion embrace those opportunities for mobility and achievement at both the individual and patriotic levels which did not exist at home for gifted people. Also, they often set one tribe against another in order to keep disputes going so that they could retain their own influence and control. The commodities are sold in the market for money which can be invested for further accumulation of capital. The Foot Report suggested that a House of Assembly be established with fewer representatives of the Administration and more elected indigenous members. However, the challenge remains, and serves to define the broader political context within which the policy of devolution has been implemented. Papua New Guinea has been subject to many anthropological studies (for example Mead, 1931; Malinowski 1932; Mead, 1970; Strathern, 1971). The new entrepreneurs work through foreign companies or organisations, and often engage local entrepreneurs as business partners in the exploitation of both renewable and non-renewable resources. For us to be completely landless is a nightmare with no dollar in the pocket, dollar in the bank with allay; we are threatened people". Abstract. It also serves to highlight the complexity of government in PNG, the diverse tribes of which may submit to a conflicting set of legal and traditional authorities. Spybey (1992:113) suggests that: The success of the European states in setting up their colonial empires gave Europeans a tremendous sense of their own superiority. The Constable system, for example, had arbitrarily grouped together villages which did not have much in common. By the Second World War, the administrative systems of Papua and New Guinea had become remarkably similar (Downs, 1980). In this section, I want to discuss a number of ways in which PNG's colonial legacy continues to have an impact on the possibilities for reform. The coastal areas are known for their vast areas of swamps. These materials are processed into manufactured goods and later sold back through the world market economy at extremely high costs to the "developing" countries, creating considerable financial burden on them. The idea of colonialism is a complex one and does not permit a simple definition. The different mission denominations, namely Roman Catholic, Lutheran, Methodist, and London Missionary Society (LMS) established mission settlements, or stations. At issue is the nature and scope of development that is both desirable and, given limited resources, feasible. A tribe can often speak more than one language or dialect. Exactly what these "ways" are is an issue that is both complex and confusing. Colonists lived in a state of moral, social and economic poverty. The commission was led by Sir George Currie who had headed universities in Australia and New Zealand. It is not surprising, therefore, that the current economies of the newly independent nations in Latin America (Sweezy, 1992), Africa, (Patnaik, 1990) Asia (Sweezy, 1992) and the Pacific (Luteru, 1991) continue to depend heavily on the international financial institutions such as the World Bank, International Monetary Fund (IMF), Asian Development Bank (ADB) and multi-national corporations. He suggests that colonialism is best viewed as a mode of thinking. The PNG Government fears the creation of a dependency relationship on foreigners because they have the power of the purse: for after all, if they can control the economy of the country, it is possible they can also control the government and influence the formulation and implementation of key policy decisions. Also, it could be argued that the extensive foreign economic activity makes it difficult for PNG to realise another of its key principles outlined in its National Constitution, namely, National Sovereignty and Self-Reliance. h�b```f``�c`a`�sc`@ &�(G#�#��`d`�ѹ�!��f��������e�4,�P޼q֜j����|-u&��7ug-۔�K���KS����9s�̞=gN!14 nh`� B"�h b�Tt��@�� t�,c2cc,�3�c.����錳/�U�0H���@1݆�8�A�� D��@� vDO� endstream endobj 146 0 obj <> endobj 147 0 obj <>/ProcSet[/PDF/Text/ImageB]/XObject<>>>/Rotate 0/Type/Page>> endobj 148 0 obj <>stream The theoretical literature surrounding it is littered with controversy (Drakakis-Smith, 1992). One of the ways in which this legacy now expresses itself in PNG is through the various discourses of development. The Australian Government had to heed these factors, and in 1949, the Australian Parliament passed the Amalgamation Act which made the unification of the territories of Papua and New Guinea possible (Parker, 1966a:249). But importantly, they wished to universalise the education that had made them successful, and they saw it as an essential ingredient for the social and economic development of PNG. Ultimately, economic growth is not a goal in itself. Algeria: Colonial History 1834- French colonize Algeria after 4 year occupation following a brutal conquest Approach to Colonization: Spread of civilization. Web Site Photographic Contributions With the acquisition of land came the missionaries, planters and settlers, traders and administrators who became heavily involved in the "development" of PNG (Rowley, 1985), supposedly for the benefit of the indigenous people. 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